Monday, April 6, 2015

Terra tremuit!



The schola at our diocesan traditional Latin Mass sang this antiphon, which is appointed for the Offertory rite on the Mass of Easter Sunday. 

Terra tremuit et quievit * dum resurgeret in judicio Deus, alleluia.
The earth trembled and was still * when God arose in judgment, alleluia.

Listen here while reading the rest of this post!

Offertory antiphon and verses of Easter Sunday: Terra tremuit



The chant is from Psalm 75 (76 in the KJV-style numbering). On Easter, the phrase "the earth trembled" evokes the medieval image of Christ harrowing hell and, of course, the earthquake in Matthew's account of the Resurrection:

"And in the end of the sabbath, when it began to dawn towards the first day of the week, came Mary Magdalen and the other Mary, to see the sepulchre. And behold there was a great earthquake. For an angel of the Lord descended from heaven, and coming, rolled back the stone, and sat upon it." (Matthew 28:1-2)

The Douai-Reims translation is one of very few that uses the phrase "the earth trembled" for the psalm. Other translations, such as the King James, use "the earth feared". If this version were sung in an English adaptation of the traditional Offertory antiphon, the rationale behind its use would be lost to modern listeners. No, I think "the earth trembles" is the way to go.

At Mass, we also added one of the fantastical verses from the 1935 Offertoriale compiled by Karl Ott. Here are all the verses as used by Ensemble Organum is the wonderful recording above. You'll notice that the structure is responsorial, rather than antiphonal. After the antiphon, one or two cantors sing an elaborate verse which continues the psalm; in this case, Psalm 75; and then the rest of the choir repeats the last section of the antiphon. These Offertory verses seem to have fallen out of fashion by the 13th century, perhaps thanks in part to the low Mass's influence on high Mass; namely, the omission of all but the most essential texts of the propers in the Missal. Still, a final vestige can be seen in the Requiem Mass's famous Offertory antiphon, with its verse and the repetition of quam olim Abrahae.

(And, of course, since this is an Easter chant, the word alleluia is liberally attached to the end of every verse. This is a happy chant!)

1. Notus in Judea Deus in Israel magnum nomen eius, alleluia *
dum resurgeret in iudicio Deus, alleluia.

2. Et factus est in pace locus eius et habitatio eius in Sion, alleluia *
dum resurgeret in iudicio Deus, alleluia.

3. Ibi confregit cornua arcum, scutum, gladium et bellum, iluminans tu mirabiliter a montibus aeternis, alleluia.
1. In Judah is God known: His name is great in Israel, alleluia, *
when God arose in judgment, alleluia.

2. His dwelling is in peace and in repose, and in Sion is His habitation, alleluia, *
when God arose in judgment, alleluia.

3. There He broke bow arrows, shield, sword, and war weapons, you are glorious, more wonderful than eternal mountains, alleluia.

The harrowing of hell


Saturday, April 4, 2015

Holy Week at Westminster Cathedral, 1939

A friend forwarded me this old post from the Saint Lawrence Press blog. It's a snippet from a 1939 issue of The Tablet with Westminster Cathedral's Holy Week schedule for that year. See below:


Three observations:

1.) They're using the pre-1955 times, like having the Easter Vigil on Saturday morning. I'm actually not in favor of those (except for retaining Tenebrae at night), but one has to respect just how robust the services are. According to Rubricarius, this schedule is only listing the "highlights", too. All the Divine Hours were regularly observed at Westminster in these days.

2.) Westminster's schedule today seems rather paltry by comparison. See here.

3.) Easter Sunday sermon to be given by "the Rt. Rev. Mgr. Canon M. Howlett, D.D., Ph.D." I'm not sure if this species of priest even exists anymore.



All articles in my Holy Week 2015 series, short and long


Palm Sunday in Sarum

Palm Sunday 1461: the bloodiest battle of the Middle Ages in England

The kiss of peace (for Spy Wednesday)

The mandatum: Maundy Thursday and stinky feet

The Easter sepulchre

Holy Week at Westminster Cathedral, 1939

A medieval defense of the nocturnal Vigil of Easter

The Exultet and "Lucifer"

The Exultet scroll: the Powerpoint of medieval Italy

Terra tremuit! (the Offertory antiphon of Easter Sunday)

Friday, April 3, 2015

The Easter sepulchre

Augustus Welby Pugin's Easter sepulchre at Saint Giles, Cheadle. The shields below it show the instruments of the Passion in heraldic form.
Last night in Catholic churches around the world, the tabernacles were emptied and the Eucharist was carried in procession to another altar, called the altar of repose, there to remain until the "Mass of the Presanctified" on Good Friday. Before the Reformation, however, and most especially in England, a second shrine was set up during Holy Week to reserve the sacrament: the Easter sepulchre.
After the Good Friday ceremonies and the "creeping to the cross", which commemorate the ultimate sacrifice of Christ's crucifixion, the crucifix which the whole congregation in these "superstitious" days was then wrapped in linen, as though it were a burial shroud, and then carried in procession to a niche, a wall recess in the north side of the church, which was designed just to appear like a tomb. There, after the priest and deacon removed their vestments and shoes, the crucifix was "entombed" in a chest, along with a pyx carrying a Host that had been consecrated on Maundy Thursday.
The priest intoned:
"I am counted as one of them that go down into the pit: I have been even as a man that hath no strength, free among the dead."
 And the people responded:
"Thou hast laid me in the lowest pit, in a place of Darkness and in the Deep. There have I been."
With Christ's real presence entombed, decorated with velvet hangings, and candles lit all around this Easter sepulchre, a watch was appointed to keep guard over the sepulchre at all hours until just before daybreak on Easter Sunday. (So, it seems, even if the Vigil of Easter was celebrated on Saturday morning, the devotions surrounding the Easter sepulchre ignored it.)
The best surviving examples of Easter sepulchers range from the 14th to 16th centuries. See below:
Marvelous decorated Gothic: the sepulchre at Saint Andrew's, Heckington
The sepulchre at Lincoln Cathedral, complete with sleeping guards
This sepulchre at Holcombe Burnell, Devon, was made in the 16th century, at the eve of the Reformation, and hints at the arrival of the Renaissance style on England's shores.
After Henry VIII declared himself Head of the Church of England, he still attempted to preserve the sepulchers, his convocation declaring:
"On Good Friday is prepared, and well adorned, the Sepulchre in remembrance of Christ's sepulchre, wherein is laid the image of the Cross with the Most Blessed Sacrament to signify that there was buried no corpse or body that could be corrupted but the pure and undefiled Body of Christ without spot or stain, which was never separated from the Godhead."
Nonetheless, Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, secretly despised the sepulchres and all similar displays of religion, so shortly after the boy king Edward VI acceded the throne, Cranmer and his lackeys passed laws ordering their destruction. We have surviving records of how vicars sold their wooden chests used for the sepulchre to profane use. One, for example, used the coffer to store his clothes; another, to serve as a dish rack. Queen Mary's brief restoration heralded the return of the sepulchres, but with her sister Elizabeth, they once again went into abeyance.
Augustus Welby Pugin was the first designer of the modern age to build Easter sepulchers in his churches. As you saw at the top of the post, his sepulchre at Saint Giles, Cheadle, as with the rest of the church, stunned all who glanced upon it. It seems to have never caught on even in Pugin's own lifetime, for he routinely complained that the priests who took over his churches didn't know what to do with them: "The truth is the churches I build do little or no good for want of men who know how to use them. Dudley is a complete facsimile after an Old English parish church and nobody seems to know how to use it.". (A.W.N. Pugin: Master of Gothic Revival, page 57)
The one thing we can be thankful for, perhaps, is that the successors of Pugin's churches were so completely ignorant of the customs surrounding their furnishings that when the iconoclasms of the 1960's came around, few of Pugin's sepulchres were destroyed because no one knew what they were for in the first place.
Pugin's sepulchre at Our Lady and Saint Wilfrid's.

Thursday, April 2, 2015

The mandatum: Maundy Thursday and stinky feet

The kings of medieval Europe washing the feet of beggars
It's another Maundy Thursday, the first day of the Easter Triduum: it's a busy day, with the consecration of holy oils for the upcoming year by the bishop at his cathedral, the washing of feet in remembrance of Christ's new commandment ("to love one another as I have loved you"), and most importantly, to commemorate the last supper, the first Mass, on the night He was betrayed.

Maundy Thursday also means another slew of pictures of Pope Francis washing random marginalized people's feet to the fawning of his fans and eye-rolling of a tiny minority of skeptics also called traditionalists. This year, as usual, the Vatican announced well in advance that the Pope will be celebrating the Mass of the Last Supper at a prison and washing the feet of inmates. We can expect, based on previous publicity stunts in the reign of Francis, that the selection of people to be washed may include a Muslim or two.

The New Liturgical Movement just posted an article to let Catholics know that the rubrics of the modern Roman Mass make the mandatum, the rite of foot-washing, merely an option; but if it is to be used, the people to be washed must be male. It's all quite sound from a legal point of view. The article is completely correct: at the Mass of the Last Supper, only men's feet can be washed. But there's an elephant in the room: the fact that Pope Francis himself has washed women's feet on this day in the past, and has even made quite a media spectacle of it. Some apologists point out that, since Francis is the Pope, he's above the law and can do whatever he wants in the liturgy, including washing women's or Muslims' feet. Again, strictly speaking, that's true... though since he was also known to wash women's feet during his time as archbishop of Buenos Aires, while he was still fully subject to liturgical law, this entire line of argument reeks of the papal positivism; the "because he's the pope" mentality that's permeated the faith for well over a century.

The mandatum, Francis-style.
Back when I was a Seventh-day Adventist, our church, a few times a year (not Maundy Thursday), though it wasn't big on ceremonies of any kind, practiced foot-washing. Basically, a bunch of buckets were distributed, and everyone washed everyone else's feet. It wasn't just a ceremonial pouring of water, though. No, we had to get between the toes and everything. When I became a Catholic, the foot-washing rite during Maundy Thursday was something I could readily identify with. It signified to me that Catholic priests, too, were willing to bend the knee to others and show that they were ready to serve their flock, not just rule their souls. This is why the rite on Maundy Thursday is called the mandatum. Traditionally, as the priest goes to wash the first foot, the choir sings an antiphon from John's gospel: Mandatum novum do vobis ut diligatis invicem sicut dilexi vos. "A new commandment I give unto you, that ye love one another; as I have loved you." The mandatum, the commandment, is even how this day came to be called "Maundy".

Up until yesterday, I actually never thought much about the liturgical law which restricts it to men. When I first became Catholic, I learned that twelve men are chosen to represent the twelve Apostles whom Christ ordained that day as the first priests of the Church. Since only Catholic men can become priests, Pope Francis's spectacle of washing the feet of women or non-believers seemed to be a deliberate subversion of the traditional understanding.

The mandatum in the Benedict XVI era, at Saint John Lateran.
But then, in the course of my usual readings of liturgical history, I discovered that the mandatum wasn't even performed during the Mass of the Last Supper until 1950.

At that point, I came to the conclusion that all talk of what is or isn't "traditional" bears much closer investigation before issuing a verdict on the curious case of Pope Francis. I haven't been able to learn a whole lot more since then, but here's what I've been able to piece together so far:

1.) The practice of foot-washing is ancient, predating Christ to time immemorial. The first reference to it in Scripture is a mention of Abraham offering to wash the feet of the three wayfarers in Genesis 18. In a middle Eastern and Mediterranean culture, people typically wore sandals and gathered dust over their bare feet every day. The foot-washing was part of an ancient rite of hospitality, an aspect which is perhaps lost on northerners and moderns whose feet are enclosed in shoes or boots. Furthermore, the Rule of Saint Benedict, first written in the 6th century, ordered monks to receive all guests by washing their feet, as well as pouring water over their hands.

2.) Nonetheless, the rite of the mandatum wasn't always a part of Maundy Thursday ceremonies. Saint Augustine's letters suggest it wasn't universally accepted in his day. In Spain, though, the third set of canons of the Seventeenth Council of Toledo (A.D. 694) mandate its use everywhere on pain of excommunication: "Since Our Lord has not disdained to wash the feet of His disciples, why should we refuse to emulate the example He gives us? It now happens that, partly from slackness, partly from custom, in sundry churches the priests no longer wash the feet of the brethren on Maundy Thursday."

3.) The mandatum had come into use in Rome itself by the 7th century, where the Roman Ordo in Coena Domini instructs the pope to wash the feet of his attendants; though not, it seems, during Mass itself. The next mention of the mandatum among Roman sources doesn't come up again until Roman Ordo 11, dating to the 12th century. There, the pope has two ceremonies: one in public, where he washes the feet of his subdeacons... and one in private, in his apartments, where he washes the feet of thirteen poor men. It seems the medieval popes wanted to cover both bases: the sacerdotal and the servile.

4.) In imitation of the popes and archbishops, the medieval kings of Europe also washed the feet of the poor on Maundy Thursday. Saint Elizabeth of Hungary was known to wash the feet of twelve lepers. Until the 20th century, the kings and queens of Spain washed the feet of twelve poor men and twelve poor women, respectively, every year after Maundy Thursday Mass in the royal chapel. All were also provided with new clothes. James Monti's The Week of Salvation relates one story: when Queen Isabella II's diamond bracelet fell from her arm into the water, the woman being washed reached down to give it back to her, but the queen said, "keep it, mia hija; it is your luck."

Maundy money in Elizabeth II's reign
5.) The kings of Great Britain still practice the "royal Maundy" service to this day, where alms in the form of specially coined "Maundy money" are still given out; though the footwashing itself fell out of practice after the last Catholic king of England, James II, was overthrown. His successor, the Protestant William III, apparently wasn't much for smelly feet. William eventually stopped showing up to the services altogether, passing it on to the royal almoner. It was only in the 20th century, with George VI (Queen Elizabeth II's father), that the kings began to personally participate in the Royal maundies again.

6.) What about at the local parish? It seems that having a mandatum (in its own rite, apart from Mass) was widespread in the Middle Ages, but gradually waned through the Counter-Reformation (the 16th century) until, by the 20th century, it was dead (though still on the books as an official Holy Week rite).

7.) With the 1950-1955 Holy Week reforms, the mandatum was inserted into the Mass of the Last Supper itself, giving it more prominence than ever before.

And now, here we are, back in the 21st century. What did that romp through history tell us? First, while the washing of feet is a powerful sign of Christ's ordaining the first priests, that's not the original reason. We can call that a legitimate development, but the association of the mandatum with the poor has been there since its introduction. Second, including the mandatum into the Mass itself opens the rite up to a sort of criticism that wouldn't otherwise exist. The Mass of the Last Supper is bound up with the institution of the first Mass, and that significance is arguably lessened by merging it with the mandatum of the poor.

Still, omitting the mandatum entirely just to avoid the politics around excluding women at Mass is, in my mind, a case of throwing the baby out with the bathwater, just as with the omission of the kiss of peace (which I described in another article earlier this week). Traditionalists may think they're tainted with touchy-feely sentimentalism; and they are; but they're also venerable signs of what it means to be a Christian.

Father Sean Finnegan left an interesting comment on the New Liturgical Movement article I linked you to at the beginning of the post. He wrote,
"I have recently taken over a parish where washing women's feet is routinely done. So I have decided to try delving into liturgical history. In the Sarum Use, the Mandatum took place at lunch (after the Solemn Mass in those days, of course), with the High Priestly Prayer of our Lord being read. Not only would the 'presider' wash others' feet, but all would participate, washing and being washed. Finally, a loving cup was shared. I am going to try that here this year: we will have an 'agape' simple meal in the evening, long enough before the Mass to observe the liturgical fast. We will all, men and women, wash each others' feet, and share a loving cup as the account of the Last Supper is read from St John's Gospel. Then, at the Mass of the Lord's Supper, we will omit the Mandatum entirely, as the rubrics permit. Hopefully, this way everyone will be happy."
(For more info, Father Finnegan has a blog article from 2009 detailing the Sarum mandatum rite here. Like many other rites in the Sarum Missal, it was written with cathedral usage in mind and assumes that one has a chapter house.)

That seems like the perfect resolution to the problem, and I wish something like it was offered here in my city. If I can find the text of the Sarum Use's ceremony, or even the pre-1955 Roman ceremony of the mandatum outside of Mass, I'll share it with you.


All articles in my Holy Week 2015 series, short and long




The kiss of peace (for Spy Wednesday)





Terra tremuit! (the Offertory antiphon of Easter Sunday)

Wednesday, April 1, 2015

How to kill a king: archaeology and history meet to tell us of Richard III's last moments


This day in Holy Week is called Spy Wednesday, for on this night, Judas Iscariot made his fateful deal with the Temple priests to betray his master. Today, I'll tell you another story of betrayal: the fate of Richard III, the last king of England to die in battle. For centuries, historians have had to rely chiefly on the official histories of the battle written years after the fact, during the height of the Tudor regime, such as Polydore Vergil's Anglica Historia; but after Richard's remains were recovered under the car park in Leicester, archaeologists, in the course of identifying them, were able to piece forensic evidence together to determine just how the last Plantagenet king died. The conclusions are remarkable: a visceral end to an age marked by brutality, yes.... but also one that demanded their rulers to show superhuman courage and lead their soldiers to victory from the front.


Lead-in to the battle

By 1485, the Wars of the Roses had killed off most of the House of Lancaster. Their claim to the throne came down to a young man who had never even lived in England: Henry Tudor, the son of Margaret Beaufort, who was a great-granddaughter to John of Gaunt (father of King Henry IV, the first Lancastrian king) and his mistress, Katherine Swyneford. This unlikely adventurer, who grew up alternately in Wales and Brittany, France, is a classic case of being a contender for power by sheer virtue of being anyone other than the guy in charge. Henry raised a challenge to Richard III held up by three pillars: the Woodvilles (Richard's enemies at home), the French, and the Welsh. To the first, on Christmas of 1483, Henry pledged to marry Elizabeth of York, the eldest daughter of King Edward IV and Elizabeth Woodville, sister to the two assumed-dead princes in the Tower, and (for Yorkists considering Richard to be a usurper) the heir to Edward V's crown. To the second, Henry gained troops and supplies from the queen regent of France, where he had lived the last 14 years of his life. And to the third, when he landed in Wales with his army of French mercenaries, he capitalized on his Welsh birth and descent from local legend Rhys ap Gruffydd. Henry found an invaluable ally in Rhys ap Thomas, who brought 500 men with him.

How could this 28-year old man who never lived in England, never seen combat, and whose last ancestor king was a thrice-great grandfather, lead an army of five or six thousand mostly non-English soldiers right to London unopposed?

Lord Thomas Stanley: the face of pragmatism
Richard III knew the answer to that question: treachery in the ranks. His warden in the west marches was Sir William Stanley, who as Chamberlain of Chester and north Wales, was bound by his office to stop Tudor's forces from crossing. Richard demanded that William and his more powerful brother, Thomas, the Lord High Constable of the realm, raise forces to intercept Tudor. This would have put Lord Stanley in an awkward position since he also happened to be Margaret Beaufort's husband... and, therefore, Henry Tudor's stepfather. Stanley excused himself on account of "sweating sickness", but not before Richard could arrest Stanley's eldest son and heir, George, as a surety for the father's loyalty. George confessed that he and his family had been in correspondence with Tudor the entire time, and that they had allowed Tudor to march on London without a fight. All Richard could do now was raise up as many loyal lords as possible on short notice and hope it was enough. The king placed his most loyal supporter, John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, at the head of the Yorkist army, and ordered all allies to assemble at the village of Leicester.
 
 

Betrayal at Bosworth

Three armies met outside Leicester, at Bosworth, on the 22nd of August:
 
-Henry Tudor's 5,000 or 6,000 troops made up of French mercenaries, Welshmen led by Rhys ap Thomas and a few (no more than a thousand) English exiles from Buckingham's rebellion and other Lancastrians. These men fought in Henry's name, but since Henry had no battlefield experience, they were truly at the command of the Earl of Oxford, a grizzled veteran of the Wars of the Roses, and Henry's own uncle/foster father, Jasper Tudor.
 
-Richard III's army of between 8,000 and 10,000. His personal army numbered about 3,000 infantry, with the rest split between the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Northumberland. The king had the advantage of numbers and cannons at his disposal, but whereas Tudor had a lot of professional soldiers to rely upon, Richard had to make do with a host of hastily summoned militia fighters and other conscripts.
 
-And then, there were the Stanley brothers. Their forces together numbered perhaps 6,000, but they parked themselves casually upon a hill to the south, committed to neither side. Though they were both officers of Richard's court, the brothers actually had a long history of fence-sitting. They always calculated having at least one brother on the winning side to have the other pardoned; unsurprisingly, this strategy ensured their accumulation of unsurpassed wealth and influence across three tumultuous changes in dynasty, all the while other leading families of England slaughtered each other to extinction.
 
After the initial cannon volley from Richard and storms of arrows from both sides, Tudor's men charged up the hill held by Richard's and Norfolk's men, taking heavy losses but holding their ground. No one knows exactly why, but when Richard signaled Northumberland to send in his forces to sweep the field and take the day, Northumberland didn't engage. We don't know if it was treason, since there's no evidence of correspondence between him and Henry Tudor prior to Bosworth or any reward for services after the battle, or if he was merely tactically hindered by his position on the field; or, perhaps, if he truly considered the king a usurper and unworthy of defending. Whatever the case, Northumberland's uninvolvement meant the king's superior numbers were for naught.
 
 

 

The last gallant charge of an era

From the corner of his eye, Richard saw his rival, Henry, make for Lord Stanley's army, still in reserve to wait until there was a clear victor to side with. We can only guess that Richard assumed Henry was going to appeal to his stepfather, join forces, and ensure defeat for the Yorkists.... for at this point, Richard makes one last charge. Suicidal by our standard, but a gallant display of chivalry and courage in his day, Richard and his royal household knights split off from his main force to make a death-defying charge straight at Henry. Did the king think cutting the serpent off at the head was the only way to rout the enemy? Or was he resigned to defeat, determined to go down in history as a warrior who fought for his birthright?
 
From the 2013 re-enactment of Richard's charge at Bosworth
The entire course of history came down to the crossing of lances and swords, as Richard's cavalry charge actually broke through Henry's defense. The king personally unhorsed Henry's champion, Sir John Cheyne, and slew the Welshman's standard-bearer, William Brandon. Richard came up to a sword's length of Henry Tudor's person. Victory was almost at hand... until Sir William Stanley's forces swooped down behind Richard's men and attacked. The king was unhorsed and killed, and his army fled in short order. The Stanleys, still fresh, now engaged in favor of the Lancastrians and began the slaughter in earnest while the Yorkists were in retreat. The Duke of Norfolk perished with the king on the field. Richard's bannerman, Sir Percival Thirwell, also goes down in history as having held the Yorkist banner aloft even without his legs, until he was hacked to death. This bloody episode of England's story closed in a moment straight from the tropes of Shakespearean fiction: Lord Stanley picked up Richard's crown, which tumbled off his helmet, and placed it upon his stepson's head. Henry Tudor was now Henry VII, King of England and Lord of Ireland.
 
As to the mortal remains of his predecessor, Henry had Richard entombed at a poor friary in the nearby village of Leicester. The Franciscans, or Greyfriars as they were known in England, buried him in the quire of their small church, there to remain until Henry's son, Henry VIII, broke from the Roman Church and ordered the dissolution of the monasteries. The friary was sold to local landowners in 1538 and demolished shortly thereafter. And, as we all know now, urban development eventually covered the site of this old friary with a parking lot until 2012, when the Richard III Society and the University of Leicester uncovered it and found the king's grave only two hours into the dig.
 
 

500 years later

Courtesy of LiveScience!
The discoveries made by the University of Leicester from some half-millennium old bones are nothing short of magical to my mind. There was, of course, the obvious: major spine curvature that confirmed that Richard III did indeed have scoliosis, that the myth of "Richard Crookback" was based on at least a grain of truth. Samples of carbon and nitrogen isotopes in his bones determine that he had a major change in diet within the last three years of his life. It was one of the many facts that established those bones as that of Richard: only a king could have afforded to feast on fish and flesh virtually every day of the last two or three years of his life, coinciding with the historical record (Richard was crowned king in 1483, two years before his death). They could even tell from the amount of oxygen in his lungs that Richard must have consumed an average of one bottle of wine a day in his last years.
 
But what of the cause of death? Upon examination, the University's researchers found barely any combat wounds on Richard's body. Rather, nine were found on his skull. Dr. Sarah Hainsworth of the University said,
"Richard's injuries represent a sustained attack or an attack by several assailants with weapons from the later medieval period.
"The wounds to the skull suggest that he was not wearing a helmet, and the absence of defensive wounds on his arms and hands indicate that he was otherwise still armoured at the time of his death." (The Guardian, 16 Sept. 2014)
 
The nine wounds were delivered from a combination of bladed and blunt weapons, probably including a poleaxe. Since Richard's arms and legs went unscathed, the likely conclusion is that after being unhorsed, the king was pinned by either Tudor's or Stanley's soldiers, his helmet removed, and then bludgeoned to death. There was one major wound to the body, at the pelvis. But judging by the upward angle of the blow, and the likelihood that Richard's rear would have been well-armored, archaeologists have posited that this was a posthumous wound. Most likely, as the chroniclers wrote, Richard's dead body was stripped naked and thrown over a horse. One of his enemies probably stabbed his corpse on the buttocks, piercing the pelvis, as a show of further humiliation.
 
 

How could a hunchback fight like that?

Meet Dominic Smee, Richard's body double
As I said, the bones show that Richard had scoliosis, but no historical record that I know of mentions it until Sir Thomas More's History of King Richard III, begun under Henry VII's reign. While it's also possible that Richard or his elder brother, Edward IV, suppressed any mention of the former's condition in their lifetimes, I believe the Tudors didn't even know about it until they stripped the fallen king's armor and saw his unusual spinal curvature protrude from his uncovered flesh.
 
During the studies performed on Richard III's remains, Channel 4 produced a fantastic documentary, raising this very question. To find the answer, a 27-year old teacher by the name of Dominic Smee, who has the same degree of scoliosis as Richard, volunteered to take a series of tests to see if his condition would affect a medieval warrior's battle prowess. Though Mr. Smee fatigued on foot, he performed quite admirably on horseback at the joust. The suit of armor crafted just to his measurements betrayed no suggestion of any unusual stature whatsoever, and in fact, the armor, combined with the sturdy medieval-style wooden saddle, ensured that Smee was positioned comfortably upright through all mounted tests.
 
If we take into account that Mr. Smee trained in the arts of medieval combat for only a brief time, while Richard Plantagenet was raised from birth to fight for his title, it's no surprise that this "hunchbacked" king was able to kill his enemies on the lance, and even unhorse Henry Tudor's champion: a mountain of a man, estimated to have stood at 6' 8". Mounted combat evened the playing field. Whatever else Shakespeare got wrong, we can agree with him that Richard's kingdom truly was lost for want of a horse.
 
Channel 4's documentary is below: I highly recommend watching it when you get a chance!
 
 
 

Reburying a medieval king

I dedicated a slew of posts last week to Richard III's reburial in Leicester last week. Though I missed the live broadcast of his official reinterment service at Leicester on account of work and living in another country and time zone, I was finally able to watch a recording of the entire event later on Youtube. The rest of Holy Week will delay my ability to proffer my full thoughts on that ceremony until next week at the earliest, but I am glad for one thing, at least: that the people of England assembled by the thousands in Leicester to see their last medieval king now buried in solemnity. The troglodytes of the Internet hawed and huffed about the ceremonies being a waste of money, or a pageantry of irrelevance. But we see by the crowds, and all the ensuing discussions throughout the world; my blog being one small part; that the Middle Ages live on in our memories. Whether he was a tyrant and usurper, or a courageous warrior-king who went down fighting with his people, Richard III still touches us today, even as far away as the United States.
 
Let's close this entry with the words of Polydore Vergil, who, I remind you, was Henry VII's official court historian. Even in that position, Vergil conceded what must have been agreed upon by all:
 
"King Richard, alone, was killed fighting manfully in the thickest press of his enemies." (Anglica Historia)
 
My thoughts on this service are still in the works....


Other articles from "Richard III Week":

-Today in history: Henry IV: the man whose claim to the crown started the troubles that led to the Wars of the Roses

-The first day: Richard on tour: select photos from the procession on Sunday, and the cardinal-archbishop of Westminster's Compline homily

-The Bible in Richard's day, and, was Richard a proto-Protestant?: on the king's reading habits and what to make of his Wycliffe New Testament

-A requiem for Richard: on the Requiem Mass, the king's faith, his book of hours, the cult of purgatory, and the chantry chapels of Richard's age

-Of hearses and hearse cloths: looking at Richard III's funeral pall and dressing the dead in medieval times

-Richard III's claim to the throne: sanguinity, statue, or sacrament?: Examining Richard's dynastic claims and what makes a king the king

-O God of Earth and Altar: a hymn by G.K. Chesterton, used at the reinterment on Thursday

-The poet laureate on Richard III: the poem at the reinterment. Also, Benedict Cumberbatch.

 -Anatomy of a prayer: a look at one of the prayers used at Thursday's reinterment, versus its original medieval text.

The kiss of peace


Did you know that every 31st of March is International Hug a Medievalist Day? I didn't, until a few days ago, but since hugs weren't forthcoming for yours truly, I instead thought to write about that curious public display of affection known to all of our medieval forebears: the kiss of peace. Does it sound strange and foreboding? On the contrary, many of you are already familiar with it, in a way. So before we travel back to the past, let’s take a look at our present surroundings.

On any given Sunday at your typical suburban Catholic parish down the street (or Episcopal, or Lutheran, depending), right before the moment of Communion, we’re treated to someone solemnly announcing: "let us offer one another a sign of peace". Then, to prepare to receive God almighty in the form of bread and/or wine, we turn to all the corners of the earth; north, south, east, and west; to display all around us our best Christian faces and administer the sign. In this country, we default to the venerable handshake of antiquity, but other local traditions make use of the back-pat, the first-bump, the brotherly mansqueeze, or, for the more chaste among us, the hoverhand. The traditional salute, "peace be with you", can then serve as an opening to delve further into the mysteries of Christian fellowship. "Beautiful day out, eh?", or "did you catch last night’s game?" The silent nod of understanding between two believers who know precisely which game is dwelt upon completes the preparation for modern man’s Communion.

That’s the narrative that the powers-that-be want us to believe, anyway. The "sign of peace", as we know it today, was introduced to Catholics in 1970, courtesy of the reformed order of Mass. Most ordinary believers in the pews probably had no idea what to do or even what the significance of the rite was. I can only imagine priests in those first years of the new liturgy goading their flock on by leading by example: descending from the altar of sacrifice to smack palms with everyone in the first rows. Some forty-odd years later, they still haven’t been able to convert us all. A few of the most liturgically conservative priests who still celebrate the new Mass exercise the little-known option of omitting the peace entirely. Other believers bask in the peacelessness of the traditional Latin Mass communities, gloating to the plebs stuck in Novus Ordo land that they didn’t have to make physical contact with anyone else that Sunday. Other traddies who get stuck in a modernized church to please grandma have been known to shove their hands in their pockets or kneel and play the role of the suffering servant, mentally transporting themselves onto the cross amidst the jeers and shouts of the vulgar crowds at Calvary, by all appearances as forlorn and engrossed in the great mysteries as possible.


But, what if I told you that the sign of peace is traditional? The crucial distinction is that I speak not of just any sign; not the handshake of peace, nor the bro-hug of peace, nor the fistbump of peace; but the kiss of peace. In the traditional Latin Mass's solemn form, the priest must still, after kissing the altar, embrace the deacon, who in turn embraces the subdeacon, the subdeacon the master of ceremonies, each member of the choir, and so on in a great chain of succession. It's even performed in the same place as in the modern form of Mass, after the Lord's Prayer and before the Communion. But what a difference in the spirit of the act! Gone are the awkward handshakes and jumbled "peace be with you's". In their place, the two traditional rite calls on the one giving the peace to soberly place his hands on the receiver's shoulders, lean in close to the receiver's right ear, and say, Pax tecum ("peace be with you"). The receiver answers, Et cum spiritu tuo ("and with thy spirit"), then turns to pass the peace to the next minister. And here, we learn why the rite is traditionally not called the "sign" of peace or even the "kiss" of peace, for there is no actual kiss, nor is it merely a symbol of a thing that already exists: it is an actual conferral of peace, in an unbroken line from Christ at the altar to the last receiver. It is the pax.


The origins of the pax

The kiss has been used in the Church since the first days. So Saint Paul tells the Romans, "salute one another with a holy kiss", and Saint Peter writes in his first epistle, "greet ye one another with a kiss of charity". By the second century, the kiss was a part of the liturgy. Saint Justin Martyr described divine service in his day: "when we have completed the prayers we salute one another with a kiss, whereupon there is brought to the president bread and a cup of wine". Here, and elsewhere throughout early Christendom, the kiss of peace was exchanged between the faithful before what would later come to be called the Offertory of the Mass. The reasoning is obedience to the teaching of Christ in the Gospel: "if, therefore, thou offer thy gift at the altar, and there thou remember that thy brother hath anything against thee; leave there thy offering before the altar, and go first to be reconciled to thy brother: and then coming thou shalt offer thy gift".

But in Rome, perhaps after Pope Gregory the Great’s reordering of the Canon, or even earlier, the pax was moved to its current place after the Lord’s Prayer and before Communion, and given a new significance. No longer was the pax merely an act of reconciliation to one's brother, though it was still that. But now, it led directly into the paschal mystery, forming part of the preparation for Communion. In those early medieval days, the pax was still clearly intertwined with the act of receiving the body and blood of the Lord. Michael Foley's abstract on the pax cites two examples: first, a homily from Gregory the Great of some monks who are convinced they are about to be shipwrecked, then make to exchange the pax and receive Communion in preparation for their deaths. And second, the example of Saint Mary of Egypt, who gave the monk that brought her the Eucharist the pax. Until recently, the pax was omitted at the requiem Mass and the Good Friday liturgy, probably because the Communion of the faithful, too, was absent on these days.

In those first centuries of Christianity, the pax was a kiss on the lips. The fact that such a gesture between two men in our society today is inescapably homoerotic is a major reason why the architects of the Vatican II liturgical reforms suggested the handshake in its place. But in the 1st century AD, it was not so. When the Passion says that Judas betrayed Jesus with a kiss, we can know that Christ Himself wasn't averse to the practice. But as the years went on, and the first fire, the innocency of Christians' faith waned, problems arose. The kiss on the lips was still considered an intimate act between either family members (of which the entire Church was considered one's spiritual family then) or lovers. Saint Clement of Alexandria complained of what the kiss had become in his day: disruptive and lascivious when exchanged between men and women. The pax was then forbidden to be exchanged between the sexes. By the Middle Ages, it had become customary to see this enforced by keeping men and women on separate sides of the church. I'm not sure when this practice fell out of use in the west, but the 1917 Code of Canon Law still recommends it. And, of course, many eastern rite churches maintain the separation of the sexes, with men on the right and women on the left, to this day.



The pax had a second period of decline at the turn of the second millennium, when Christians in the west gradually fell out of the habit of receiving Communion every Sunday. Whether this was out of increasing reverence for the sacrament's purity and a heightened sense of their own unworthiness, a spirit of toward the act of actually receiving the Eucharist, or a combination of both, I can't say. But as regular communing of the faithful declined, so too did the pax since, at this time, it was still viewed chiefly as an act of preparation. But, whereas the medieval Church made no serious measures to promote regular Communions, it did make great efforts to keep the people exchanging the pax. The English introduced a new way of exchanging it: the pax-brede, an icon of the lamb of God, which the people could come forward to kiss at the rood screen almost in lieu of receiving Communion. The paxbredes were typically of silver, but could also be made of ivory or other precious materials. Poorer churches that couldn't afford to order one would substitute a crucifix or book of the Gospels in its place. The English pax-brede caught on quickly and thence spread to the rest of western Europe.


Alas, man's fallen nature got the best of him yet again, and there was yet another period of abuse and decline in the 15th and 16th centuries, at the eve of the Reformation. You'll recall earlier how I described the hierarchical order of the pax in the traditional Latin Mass today: priest, deacon, subdeacon, and so on through the rest of the sanctuary according to rank. This was true in the medieval world, too; but when an entire congregation is to exchange it, now it suddenly becomes a lot more complicated. Who's to say whether the baker ought to kiss the pax before the miller's daughter? What was meant to establish peace between the members of Christ's Church instead became a point of division. So Eamon Duffy writes in his essential work, The Stripping of the Altars:
'In 1494 the wardens of the parish of All Saints, Stanyng, presented Joanna Dyaca for breaking the paxbrede by throwing it on the ground, "because another woman of the parish had kissed it before her." On All Saints Day 1522 Master John Browne of the parish of Theydon-Garnon in Essex, having kissed the pax-brede at the parish Mass, smashed it over the head of Richard Pond, the holy-water clerk who had tendered it to him, "causing streams of blood to run to the ground." Brown was enraged because the pax had first been offered to Francis Hamden and his wife Margery, despite the fact that the previous Sunday he had warned Pond, "Clerke, if thou here after givest not me the pax first I shall breke it on thy hedd."'

The pax-brede fell out of the mainstream later into the Counter-Reformation, and in the few places where it's still used today, it tends to be restricted only to the clergy or special dignitaries.


Sacralizing the secular, secularizing the sacred

Before we shake our heads at this litany of failure and consign the pax forever into the dustbin of liturgical history, I'd be remiss if I didn't at least mention how this rite transformed medieval society itself. The kiss found its highest expression in the pax, but it permeated other rites as well. The new initiate into the faith was given the kiss after baptism. The newly ordained priest, or the consecrated bishop, completed his elevation to holy orders with the kiss. But then, the secular world started to adopt it, too. Alongside the priest, the newly dubbed knight completed his oath to his lord with the kiss of peace. The kingdoms and principalities of this turbulent era also adopted the kiss of peace as an alternative to taking an oath to end hostilities. When King Henry II and Saint Thomas Becket finally came to a settlement after years of fighting over the rights of the see of Canterbury, Thomas demanded that they, and his safe passage back to England, be guaranteed not by oath, but by a kiss of peace.Even though everything was arranged, Henry backed out over this one condition, saying that he had sworn an oath never to give the kiss of peace to Becket ever again. For whatever reason, Henry wouldn't relent, even though the Pope offered to absolve the king of his oath, and so, the reconciliation was stalled for over a year over what would call a trifling matter of ceremony today. Eventually, Becket consigned himself to return to Canterbury without the kiss. Days later, without the guarantee of security that the kiss granted by sheer power of social custom, he was murdered by four of Henry's knights in his own cathedral.

In our modern world, as with so many other things, it looks like we've got this one backwards now. The medieval Church brought the truce of God to the tables of kings and sanctified diplomacy with the kiss of peace. The modern Church, following the Second Vatican Council reforms, chose to restore this tradition in a debased form by substituting the common handshake (or bow, or other secular gesture of respect) in the kiss's place. The effects, as I described in the beginning of this post, are apparently intentional. (See this article by Father Thomas Reese, who writes with approval, "The kiss at the end of the Liturgy of the Word symbolizes the community acceptance of the message they have just heard. They are 'shaking on a deal.'") 

G.K. Chesterton once said, "The reformer is always right about what is wrong. He is generally wrong about what is right." The liturgical progressives were right that we couldn't possibly go back to full kiss on the lips in this culture; but they were wrong to artificially restore this rite by imposing it upon the laity in a dumbed-down fashion. Even in the Church's first years, it was spoken of as the "holy kiss", set apart from the salutations of the world. 

The pre-conciliar Church isn't entirely without fault. The rubrics of the old Missal mandated the pax by amplexus (the embrace) only at solemn high Mass, but by the 20th century, this form was rare enough that many Catholics lived and died without ever having attended one. It permitted the choir and lower ministers to receive the pax by use of the pax-brede at sung and low Mass, the more commonly attended forms, but it was rarely ever taken into action. What did the Church's leaders after Vatican II think would happen to the peace if the vast majority of laypeople had never seen it exchanged properly, other than total chaos?

My solution is simple. It's based on the premise that a venerable tradition like the pax ought to be preserved. First, for traditional Latin Mass communities, to celebrate solemn high Mass as often as possible and see that the pax is exchanged by all vested ministers and choristers in the sanctuary. But, if sung or low Mass is offered, take advantage of the old Missal's permissions and see that the pax is exchanged between the priest and all other ministers by the use of a pax-brede (or crucifix or similar icon) at all Masses, even if there's just the one lowly server present. Second, for the reformed order of Mass, omitting the pax entirely seems like a mere stopgap solution, a temporary fix for that seems good in the short term, but ultimately amounts to another total removal, just like the prayers at the foot of the altar, the Last Gospel, and a whole host of other so-called medieval accretions (as though that were a bad thing). Omit the deacon's invitation for all to "offer one another a sign of peace", yes. But let the priest and all the ministers be taught to exchange the pax just as in the traditional order of Mass, as though there were nothing abnormal about it at all. Then, after the course of years, when the people have seen the gravity and solemnity of the traditional pax as a step in the paschal mystery, emanating from Christ's peace at the altar, perhaps we would all walk away with a better understanding of those words of the liturgy: 
"O Lord Jesus Christ, who saidst to Thine Apostles, 'Peace I leave with you, My peace I give unto you': regard not my sins, but the faith of Thy Church: and vouchsafe to grant her peace and unity according to thy will"




All articles in my Holy Week 2015 series, short and long




The kiss of peace (for Spy Wednesday)





Terra tremuit! (the Offertory antiphon of Easter Sunday)